Conviction 3 - Military/Defense
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Formation of a humanitarian armed force capable of
unilaterally policing human rights abuses
The What
A
global humanitarian force
that receives its mandates from a responsible and democratically
accountable international regulatory organization. National
states and governments do not hold command or political influence
over this peacemaking force and national interests cannot control
where humanitarian interventions are directed. Rather, these
missions must be decided by a council of planetary citizens with
expertise in the field.
Such missions will not
be determined by political interest because ideological parties will
be banned from functioning in the council that determines the use of
these armed forces and the broader humanitarian organization from
which the council is drawn. Logistical, tactical, and strategic
considerations are to take precedence over the politics of party
interest and squabbling state diplomacy. There exists
inalienable rights that must be protected by armed forces if the
situation necessitates their intervention. In principle, all
humanity is entitled to such a force according under the express
will of several signed and binding international documents. There
is, however, no enforcement of these ideals and this is what the
third conviction makes provisions for.
It is only natural for
advocates of humanitarianism to be somewhat tentative when it comes
to the subject of a military. After all, the objective of peace is
what governs most humanitarian action. There exists, however, a
powerful necessity to bring armed forces into the equation in order
to protect humanitarian efforts in conflict zones and overthrow
those powers that disregard the precepts governing human rights and
humane governance. To ensure enforcement, there must be the threat
of force and the ability to follow through. We cannot have any
illusions about the ill-intentions of the tyrants and abusers. If
criminal power structures could be eradicated without the use of
armed forces, the United Nations would have met with more success in
enforcing its principles as national interest dictates states
contribute the bare minimum amount of troops possible to
peacekeeping missions. As a result, even when the bureaucracy and
negotiating are done with, at best only skeletal forces are
contributed but only after "diplomatic" solutions have been
exhausted. These diplomatic solutions are often not economic
sanctions or diplomatic retribution but the UN's member states
squabbling over how the mission should be put together and how
reprimands should be enforced. By the time the process of
humanitarian intervention culminates in troops being sent, the
genocides have happened, the towns have been burnt, and the society
has been destroyed beyond all short term repair. Then their comes
the issue of creating provisions for that repair and no outside
intervention is known to the effected society other than the
listless trickles of NGO intervention.
Two fundamental
modifications need to be made: First, a permanent standing
humanitarian army must be convened under impartial leadership of an
institution of the nature outlined in conviction one. Second, NGOs
must be unified and organized under a central authority to provide
cogent relief for affected areas after the humanitarian troops have
secured the area militarily.
The Why
In
almost every genocide and atrocity in which international forces
have been called upon to intervene nothing but
failure
follows. Peacekeepers are sent out ill-equipped into the jaws of
death. Even in the most clear-cut of situations, where strong
military intervention is obviously a necessity, the United Nations
and the national states running it adopt a policy of cowardice and
indifference. These afflictions are systemic and will not subside
with a change in leadership within the United Nations or the
national states that participate within it. Humanitarian action must
be universal in orientation. To entrust a universal responsibility
for the human race to self-interested factions of it makes an
effective humanitarian ethos impossible to form. Thus the United
Nations and its national states must be circumvented in the process
of intervention.
Clearly, nations
cannot be relied upon to contribute forces where they are needed and
enough to make a difference therefore a supranational humanitarian
force must be organized, equipped, and trained. NGO workers and
civilian organizations providing relief in violent conditions need
protection by peacemakers so their work can continue without the
threat of massacre, intimidation, and kidnapping. International
order is unattainable without an armed formation ready and willing
to police abuses of human rights and stop atrocities before they
happen.
The How
Clearly
a humanitarian armed force is an institution that can only be run
and commanded by a competent and well-established organization with
R2P (responsibility to protect)
and
W2I (will to intervene).
However, this is not an endeavor that can or will rely on the
express consent of national states thus such a humanitarian force
may be vigilante in character; all great formations start out as
blasphemies.
The best thing
Synthesis members can do to advocate the creation of these
humanitarian forces is to organize and contact former UN
peacekeepers that are disillusioned with the inaction of
conventional international institutions. With their expertise and
experience behind us we can begin the effective avocation for the
creation of a global peacemaking force as those who see the
necessity for such reforms steadily rally behind our ideas.
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